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Creativity Motivation – What is motivation – Corey K Katir
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Describes motivation process for creativity with emphasis on intrinsic motivation by Corey K Katir


The harsh and tumultuous terrain of the CA(c)vennes region of southern France is both exhilarating and rewarding, but a donkey is a must.

Max the donkeyLead the way: Max the donkey takes the strain

In the autumn of 1878, a young Robert Louis Stevenson, who was racked with heartbreak, embarked upon a 220km walk through the harsh and tumultuous terrain of the CA(c)vennes region of southern France.

With an ill-tempered mule named Modestine for company, his field notes from that trip became a pioneering classic of outdoor travel literature a Travels With A Donkey In The CA(c)vennes.

The recent adaptation of Stevensonas Treasure Island has reignited his fansa interest in his works a myself included a so, in search of my own adventure, I decided to retrace his (and Modestineas) journey.

With only three days on our hands, we decided to cover 70km and begin in the quirky frontier town of Langogne. Stay at the charming Hotel De La Poste to ensure you start refreshed and revived. They provide exemplary terroir cuisine and charmingly effusive service at two-star prices, plus they pack you a picnic a a good start.

Itas up with the larks the next day to meet local expert Anne Goubert and her sturdy pack donkeys. The donkey you choose will be your constant companion for the next three days and if you wish to traverse mountainous terrain with all the urgency of a sloth then, by all means, choose Max. If you donat, donat.LangogneStocking up on wine and food in Langogne

Laden with refreshments and feeling brightly optimistic, we begin. The scenery is fiercely romantic a rolling hills give way to wooded valleys and roaring streams but ascents are steep and descents steeper, and there is a problem a we are already cold. Thanks to the recent freak weather conditions, the mercury has barely topped 2C and the bathing suits and Piz Buin in our packs now seem wildly optimistic.

Cold as we are, this is adventure proper and we push on. In a lush forest clearing, we eat sandwiches by the fire and drink Bordeaux from plastic cups. This is pure Swallows And Amazons for grown-ups and we love it. (Tip: if itas wet, take firelighters. Our smug, fireside glow was achieved after the systematic burning of our itinerary, our map thus far and our boarding passes.)

After a further 12km, youall emerge blinking from the black forests into the sun-dappled utopia of the small village of Cheylard laAvAaque. The mint-green shutters of Refuge Du Moure are candy for the eyes, more so because you know what awaits a a log fire, chilled artisan beers and a cosy bed upstairs.

Sleep well, as day two begins early, with fresh croissants and plenty of coffee. Youall need it a the second leg is more than challenging, especially if your donkey is as reluctant as Max.Cheylard l'EvequeThe lush valley of Le Cheylard laEvAaque

Climbing sharply out of the wooded valley, you are hit by startling views. We were also hit by an unwelcome flurry of snow a you might prefer to consider this adventure in summer, when temperatures soar above 30C.

The hiking here is exhilarating and rewarding, and the sleepy village of Luc, with its ruined chateau, provides a welcome way station. We stopped for hot soup and cold wine a get the weather right and you could be stopping for a splash in the lazy bend of the river Allier before pushing onwards up the valley.

The peaks ahead are high and lie between you and your bed for the night, in the serene abbey of Our Lady Of The Snows. This Trappist monastery dates from the 18th century and is a key feature of Stevensonas book. He stayed for two days and the same monastic order still provides respite for tired walkers.

Arrive at dusk and put the donkey to bed before retiring to the austere comfort of the guest quarters. A rustic supper and ample wine are provided a sit quietly with a book and revel in the sounds of silence and what youave achieved. Wake pre-dawn for the morning service a itas worth it just to see the glorious interior of the church.

Leave early and youall arrive in La Bastide-Puylaurent around lunchtime. I say a swift goodbye to Max, then head straight down the valley to Villefort, to the aptly named HA’tel Balme. A venerable institution, the restaurant is headed up by acclaimed French chef Michel Gomy and itas chock-full of smart families and chic little ladies who lunch.

Foie de volaille and local terrine des cA”pes are matched by a killer bottle of AOP Margaux. Gomy himself is a dream but I promise youall be pining for those ham sandwiches and that romantic campfire glow in the forests of GA(c)vaudan.

Maya travelled with Sun France ( www.sunfrance.com). She flew to NA(r)mes with Ryanair ( www.ryanair.com, returns from Luton from APS44).

She stayed at Hotel De La Poste ( www.hotel-poste.fr, doubles from APS40), Refuge Du Moure ( www.lozere-gite.com, doubles from APS71) and abbey of Our Lady Of The Snows (+33 466 46 5900, donations).

For donkey hire, contact Anne Goubert ( www.rafting-canyon.com, from APS400 for five days).A Le Jardins SecretsLe Jardins Secrets is a sublime hideaway

NAMES: A chic jewel in the south of France

If you just canat do without your urban fix, head back to the southern city of NA(r)mes. With tree-lined boulevards and Greco-Roman styling, NA(r)mes packs a chic little punch and the mind-blowing amphitheatre is second-best only to Rome. Wander the cobbled backstreets, dipping in and out of wine bars a Le MarchA(c) Sur Le Table ( marche.sur.la.table.free.fr, mains from APS15) offers the best produce from the dayas market plus a veritable library of French wines.

If youare after something a little more special, head to Le Lisita ( lelisita.com, set menu from APS25) directly opposite the Roman arena. This popular spot gained notoriety in 2011 for being the first restaurant in France to hand back its Michelin star. Chef Olivier Douet received the star in 2006 but chose to relinquish it last year because the demands of the Michelin Guide made it impossible to make ends meet. It is now, once more, a superb brasserie.

After three days in the wilderness, youall want somewhere luxe to lay your head and nowhere fits better than boutique hotel Le Jardins Secrets ( jardinssecrets.net, doubles from APS157), boasting a Roman-style spa. Hidden behind the high walls of an exotic garden, this rococo hideaway is sublime.


Restaurant review:A Bunga Bunga offers coffin-sized pizzas and a sense of humour – how can you resist?

Bunga BungaParty like Berlusconi: The bar of Bunga Bunga, catnip to the aMade In Chelsea, slumming it in Batterseaa set

aBunga Bunga, ciao!a trills the Antipodean voice at the other end of the phone, disarming me from the off.A aWe will need your table back by 9.30 but then you can go karaoke!aA Oh, OK then.

It wasnat in the game plan that I would trudge off to whatasA described as aAn Englishmanas Italiana across Battersea Bridge on a miserable Tuesday evening and wind up reeling into the night, over-served, deafened by the shrieking of Chelseaas aslumming ita jeunesse dorA(c)e, having had a genuinely top night out.

Bunga Bunga, owned by the well-connected chaps behind Barts (a aspeakeasya in a Chelsea block of flats) and Maggieas (a paean to the 1980s that broadcasts Thatcheras speeches in the lavs), has been on my radar since its launch last year, attended by the likes of princesses Beatrice and Eugenie and, um, Neil and Christine Hamilton. But for some strange reason I couldnat quite bring myself to get up and go. Then reports surfaced that Prince Harry a memorably described as athe refreshed royala a was spottedA boogying on down outside and that this was where he allegedly hooked up with a Saturday.

Judge me if you like but it started winking at me like the lascivious Italian politician from whose notorious parties it takes its name. Forget subtlety: this place is layered with so much cheese it makes a quattro formaggi look ascetic. Barmen dressed as comedy gondoliers, plying their trade in front of technicolour scenes of Venice? Bacardi and 7 Up-laced drinks for six served in Tower Of Pisas? A staircase decorated to look like the Sistine Chapel? Waitstaff tricked out in aprons printed with Michelangeloas David, his classic penis a go-go? Oh hell, yes. All this and more.

Weare marooned, our little table for two, among jabbering, orange, hair-extensioned, scantily clad, pack-mentality exuberance. Isnat it odd that Chelsea and Essex have started sharing a style aesthetic? A

The food, designed for sharing a well, it isnat brilliant. But itas better than the trappings suggest: pizza bases are wood-fired and have the bite and elasticity of the properly proven, even if their tomato topping is overly sweet and the naduja (a spicy Calabrian spreading sausage) on our aRuby Lovesa a little on the harsh side. Salumi arenat finest quality, but cut so whisper-thin that inadequacies are masked, and wild boar is nicely chewy and gamey.

Thereas veal Milanese, which is soggy with oil rather than crisp and greaseless, its gremolata dressing as shouty as our dining chums. I always order fried zucchini sticks if available, as reliable a simple-but-tricky indicator of talent as a good burger: these are clunky, thick as chips and mushy inside. But Bunga Bungaas charm and friendliness suck us right in. How can we frown when the small band, on its Coliseum podium, strikes up Volare, and we all, as one, go awoah-oahaa|? Or when lights dim, disco beams strafe the walls and staff perform a hilarious little dance routine? A

aOn Friday,a confides our waitress, awe have Elvis.a It makes you forgive the bad Negroni Sbagliato a made awronga by topping up with prosecco, in this case, flat prosecco. Or the fact that our bill is also a bit wrong (with the income-bracket and level of boozed-upness here, I guess not many would notice).

Bunga Bunga dishes up everything your serious restaurant-goer would find risible. And howls with laughter while doing it. Youare just in time to book for a Eurovision Song Contest special evening, featuring a live performance from the United Kingdomas 2007 entry, Scooch. Yes, Scooch!

Apparently, at weekends it gets queued out and security gorillas man the door. But midweek itas a hoot. The staff deserve medals for jollying along the most curmudgeonly diner. Despite being so far removed from the target audience as to be virtually a different species, Iad go back. And why canat I get the refrain aunlimited prosecco bruncha out of my head?

Follow Marina @MarinaOLoughlin

A meal for two with wine, cocktails, water and service is about APS90.A 37, Battersea Bridge Road, SW11.A www.bungabunga-london.com

When Eastern District of New York Judge John Gleeson used his sentencing memo in U.S. v. Dossie to send a message to the Attorney General to stop being such a mindless tool, his purpose was to castigate the Department of Justice and its co-conspirators in abusing the power it was given just because they could. 

Former prosecutor turned Gibson Dunn partner, Jim Walden, didn’t quite get the message.  In the National Law Journal, Walden makes sure his bona fides are clear:

I support the war on drugs. Indeed, I can fairly be called a hawk. I spent most of my nearly nine-year career as a federal prosecutor attacking (largely white and Asian) drug-trafficking organizations and putting their members behind bars for long stretches. For every wide-eyed, liberal, young lawyer I meet who naA-vely criticizes the wisdom and resources this “war” has entailed, I issue the same challenge: Read the daily papers and keep track of drug-related murders, assaults, robberies, break-ins and general violence for six months a and then explain to me why drug enforcement should not be one of our top enforcement priorities.

Glad to know that you’re available to have lunch with Andy McCarthy, though this is no doubt expressed so that other “hawks” realize you’re no “wide-eyed, liberal” who “naA-vely criticizes” the drug war.  As Walden informs, however, the problem isn’t the worthiness of the war, but that it has exceeded its purpose:

Congress empowered the Department of Justice a through the creation of mandatory-minimum sentences a to end the careers of committed drug dealers. Second, the mandatory-minimum sentences were intended to be used against drug “kingpins” a the people at the upper echelons of large trafficking organizations, who make the most money, wield the most power and inflict the greatest violence and destruction.

Is that really what Congress did, or did you just believe the press release with all your heart and soul, the stuff meant to keep the nice folks in Peoria happy and buy votes in Cincinnati.  The story behind mandatory minimums was that it was to put drug kingpins in prison, but the quantities at which mandatory minimums kick in tells a different story.  Take a peak inside any federal prison and tell us how many cartel drug kingpins you see in those cells?  They’re filled to capacity, and not a kingpin to be found.

Walden, the drug hawk, contends that the problem isn’t with the war, or the law, but the overuse of mandatory minimums by prosecutors.

Cracking down on the street-level organizations, and stopping the collateral damage they inflict, is a laudable goal, an essential one. Doing so at the expense of fairness and equity is not, and street-level traffickers should not face the same consequences Congress intended for kingpins.

This is where Judge Gleeson’s Dossie decision comes into play. And where it’s artfully abused.  Using Dossie as the exemplar, Walden argues that prosecutors could “cure” the lack of fairness and equity by exercising better discretion in applying the mandatory minimums.  The problem, thus, isn’t that the law is horrendously wrong, imposing mandatory minimums on people who fall a bit shy of drug kingpin.  No, no. No problem there. It’s merely an empowerment of the DOJ to have the weapons available for when Prosecutors, there to protect us from the ravages of crime, feel the need to impose these harsh sentences. 

Yet again, we’re asked to trust those in power to exercise it as they see fit.  Trust them. Believe in them. Don’t worry our naive heads about it, as they will protect us from the evil people.  Let them have their mandatory minimums, and smarter people than us will remind the Prosecutors should they forget Congress’ will, to exercise their vast but necessary power with mercy and discretion, fairness and equity.

Except that’s neither how the law works, nor is supposed to work.  The law is not meant to be a bludgeon in the hands of the government, where the powerful get to exercise it if and when they deem it necessary.  That Hawkish Mr. Walden trusts the Department of Justice to tread lightly where he, in his hawkish personal opinion, believes it’s warranted is not a substitute for my vision of fairness and equity. 

It’s not that we disagree that street level drug dealers should not be subject to the mandatory minimums. Indeed, we are in complete agreement, to that extent.  But I have no plans on handing unfettered discretion to the government to decide if and when to slam a defendant, because someone in the United States Attorneys office has decided that he’s the one who deserves it.

What makes posts like Walden’s insidious is that many will applaud his take, that he argues against the application of mandatory minimums to non-kingpins.  Woo hoo, they cry. He’s one of us.  Do not be fooled.  He is most assuredly not one of us, whoever us is.  He is a purveyor of omnipotent government, with only Prosecutorial Oblige to limit its worst impulses. 

If you trust the government to be all-powerful, but only use that power when it’s deemed necessary, than maybe you can go to lunch with Walden and McCarthy.  If you prefer that Congress enact laws that prevent the government from using the bludgeon at will, then don’t be fooled. When the government has power, it uses it.  As long as there are mandatory minimums, there will be full prisons.

A(c) 2012 Simple Justice NY LLC. This feed is for personal, non-commercial & Newstex use only. The use of this feed on any other website is a copyright violation. If this feed is not via RSS reader or Newstex, it infringes the copyright.

The crime committed by former New York Police Officer Michael Pena was, as Justice Richard Carruthers called it at sentence, “deplorable.”

Handing down a sentence that virtually assures 28-year-old Michael Pena will spend the rest of his life behind bars, state Supreme Court Justice Richard Carruthers said the former officer “showed by his deplorable conduct that he was not one of New York’s Finest,” invoking the department’s nickname.

“He showed instead that he is a sexual predator,” Justice Carruthers said.

No question about that. Pena was a forcible sexual predator in the real sense, not merely the politically correct hyperbole that reduces words to meaninglessness. His conduct was, in every sense, deplorable.

But that doesn’t provide much of a measure for sentence.  When the judge announced the sentence of 75 years, two things became abundantly clear: First, that the sentence was significantly more harsh than Pena would have received had he been convicted in a typical murder case. Second, that he would die in prison.  He was sentenced to death, the slow way.

In Tamer el-Ghobashy’s Wall Street Journal story about the sentence, I sought to convey the disconnect between the deplorable crime and the severity of the sentence:

Scott Greenfield, a veteran criminal-defense attorney who runs a legal blog, said the sentence is “hugely excessive in the abstract,” especially when weighed against the 25-years-to-life sentence typically reserved for murder.

Mr. Greenfield suggested that Mr. Pena’s status as a police officer who broke the public trust and used a police-issued weapon was “probably an aggravating factor that elevated” the sentence.

Still, as legal thresholds evolve, Mr. Greenfield said, a life sentence for crimes such as drug dealing are becoming more common. He said it is difficult to assess how unusual Mr. Pena’s penalty is.

“Is this an extreme sentence for someone who didn’t commit the crime of murder? It used to be,” he said.

In the post-federal sentencing guidelines age, the post-Madoff sentence, it’s no longer possible to assess an unusual sentence. The range tends to be from harsh to ridiculously harsh.  Trying to make sense of sentences, or even to find context within which to place a sentence, is nearly impossible.

After Tamer’s article appeared, I received an email from a woman who claimed no connection to the case, but wished my wife and daughter would be brutally raped in punishment for my words. That someone overwrought with emotion would write such a thing isn’t uncommon, but reflects that an unfortunately typical lack of reason when it comes to the public’s perception of sentencing. The anger is so strong that they should all die, as should anyone who doesn’t share their anger.

Pena’s lawyer, Ephraim Savitt, was so outraged by the severity of the sentence that he took the media.  In an op-ed that was published in the Daily News, Savitt wrote:

True, my client was convicted of acts that are unpardonable. The jury found unanimously that he sexually assaulted the victim, but was deadlocked on whether or not he had raped her.

This calls for a strong sentence. According to the John Jay College of Criminal Justice, the national average sentence for rape offenders does not exceed 10 years. Michael Pena has been sentenced to more than seven times the average for his conviction on nonrape charges. Life behind bars, which is essentially what he received, is typically the sentence given to career criminals, Al Qaeda terrorists and professional hit men.

While making a strong case for the disproportionality of the sentence, Savitt took a problematic path to get there:

But whatas this really about? Will the victim afind peacea now that my client has been sentenced to the functional equivalent of life imprisonment?

Hardly. These days, politics, vengeance and trial by the media have become the order of the day. Those factors have created significantly higher watermarks in sentencing a but only for certain offenders, namely those who serve or served as cops.

His explanation for what went so terribly wrong is that Pena was a cop.  This argument doesn’t bear out particularly well for two reasons.  The fact that Pena was a cop, a New York City Police Officer, with a shield and a department issued gun which was used to perpetrate his crime, is a factor that should be taken into consideration.  Had he not been a cop, he wouldn’t have been authorized to carry that gun, a huge trust between society and a man that he can wield a  weapon and authority to serve society.  That he used it to sexually assault a woman is a massive violation of that trust, and deserves recognition as an aggravating factor.

The other aspect is that the newspapers, and these digital pages, are replete with stories of cops doing harm, committing crimes, even murdering people, who walk away with light to no sentences because they’re society’s heroes.  Maybe they did wrong, but we avert our eyes from the dead and destruction they cause because they are cops.  Savitt’s claim that cops have it worse because of “politics, vengeance and trial by media” just doesn’t bear out.


In this case, the message is aimed at law enforcement: If you have a badge, your crime may result in life imprisonment.

If it were that simple, it might not be such a bad message.  Given the opportunity that a police officer has to do harm, whether sexually or by sentencing a person to prolonged death by lying about his guilt, and the relative lack of constraint, there ought to be some real fear of consequences. That’s what general deterrence is all about, and lord knows there isn’t much fear in the hearts of cops for their crimes.  Of course, the message here only applies to sex crimes, so the testilying and perp killing cop takes no message from this sentence.  Those aren’t deplorable crimes like this.

Savitt goes on to note that the media attacks against him and Pena for defending against the charges reflect a fundamentally misguided grasp of the system.


One additional yet crucial point must be made. Critics, including in The News editorial, attacked the acold-blooded, meticulously executed assaulta on the victim during her cross-examination. It condemned the defendantas lack of acourage to take the witness stand.a It also took me to task for aoutrageouslya cross-examining the victim in order to have her aadmita that she was anot fit to testify crediblya because she was in fear for her life.

Is this recent manifestation of politically inspired afrontier justicea so powerful that a venerable newspaper can suggest that a criminal defendant must forfeit his due process and trial protections under the Fifth and Sixth amendments to our Constitution?

These protections guarantee a fair trial with the assistance of counsel and the right to confront witnesses. They are intended to ensure that the burden of proving all elements of an offense beyond a reasonable doubt never shifts from the prosecution to the defendant.

Is there a constitutional carveout for rape charges involving a police officer?

He was doing so well until the last line. What Savitt writes is not merely true, but true for all defendants.  Just as the most hated defendant deserves his rights under our Constitution, so too does a police officer. But it’s not a cop problem, and trying to frame it as a cop problem is where the argument falls flat. 

Ironically, many readers here will have greater sympathy for the non-cop defendant whose rights to counsel and a zealous defense are attacked. That’s wrong. Every defendant, cop or not, is entitled to the full protection of the Constitution, and no defendant or lawyer should be attacked for availing themselves of these rights. Cops are just as entitled, but no more so, than anyone else.

It’s hard to say what the sentence should have been here. Savitt suggests that ten years would have been proper and proportionate.  Others could argue, reasonably, that 15, even 20, might be sufficient to deter others, cop or not, from committing forcible sexual assault.  It seems clear that 75 years sends the message that a sexual predator would do well to murder his victim, since there isn’t much worse that could happen.

This is the worst possible message a court could send. This is the message sent by imposing a 75 year sentence on Michael Pena.  No matter how angry someone may be about the crime he committed, and no matter how much Pena deserves that anger, it is the responsibility of the court to impose a sentence based on reason and proportionality.  This sentence was way too harsh, even though Pena was a cop.

A(c) 2012 Simple Justice NY LLC. This feed is for personal, non-commercial & Newstex use only. The use of this feed on any other website is a copyright violation. If this feed is not via RSS reader or Newstex, it infringes the copyright.

Greece’s anti-austerity Syriza party refused to participate in last-ditch efforts to form a unity government Monday, making it increasingly likely that the debt-burdened country will have to hold new parliamentary elections in June to break the impasse. European finance leaders, who are meeting in Brussels Monday, insist that Greece must stick to the harsh spending cuts that the last government agreed to in return for a massive bailout. But Syriza, which placed second in voting a week ago and could be the top vote-getter in fresh balloting, insists that the austerity measures are “catastrophic…More

In the aftermath of watershed elections this month, Greece’s splintered political system is struggling to form a ruling coalition. The main obstacle is Syriza, a fringe party that rode to an unprecedented, second-place finish on a wave of popular anger against the government’s harsh austerity programs, which have plunged Greece into its fifth year of a devastating recession. The European Union and the IMF had demanded that Greece put austerity measures in place in exchange for hundreds of billions of dollars in bailout funds. Syriza’s leader, Alexis Tsipras, says that the bailout terms are…More

Francois Hollande will not be inaugurated as France’s president until May 15, but German Chancellor Angela Merkel is already pouring cold water on the signature promise of his campaign. Proclaiming that “Germany doesn’t decide for all of Europe,” Hollande had vowed to renegotiate a German-backed fiscal pact designed to shrink the budget deficits of European Union members by employing harsh austerity measures — spending cuts and tax hikes — that are now taking a heavy toll on voters and slowing economic growth. Merkel says she “will welcome Francois Hollande with open arms,” but…More

Greek voters sick and tired of restrictive austerity measures delivered a “stinging rebuke” to the debt-ravaged country’s two main political parties on Sunday, plunging Greece into political turmoil. The two mainstream political groups, the conservative New Democracy party and the Socialist Pasok party, had backed the harsh conditions of the country’s European bailout, but now they have lost their majority in parliament, and fringe left- and right-wing parties opposed to the austerity measures won more than 60 percent of the vote. What does this mean for Greece, and for Europe? Here, five key takeaways…More

The refusal to provide a school place to a young girl who had recently given birth was inexcusable and the reason provided was at best gauche. It was decidedly harsh.

My 15 month old daughter was fine sleeping by herself but later in the night she would wake and I would put her in the bed with me and her dad (and I now know this was a big mistake but anything for a nights sleep).

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